The Russian heartland
saw the rise of various political parties embodying different ideologies and
aspirations of the people. But besides the Russian, non-Russian minorities
under the Empire also forged their own political parties. Explore these
political parties in the satellite territories of the Russian Empire.
Political Parties in the Peripheries of the Empire
Alongside
the Russian heartland, political parties developed in other parts of the
Russian Empire. This included the Baltic States and extremely volatile
territory of Poland. The region of the Caucasus also had its share as parties
grew within various ethnic groups. And in Central Asia, intelligentsias
especially those who had education based from Jadidism formed their own parties
as well.
Political
situations in the peripheries of the Russian Empire differed from each other.
In some parts of the Empire, such as Finland and the Armenians, wielded local
autonomy or favor of the Russian government, while the rest, like Transcaucasia
and Central Asia had governor generals to rule them under repressive conditions.
In the 1880’s the policy of Russification created tensions between the authorities
and non-Russian nationalist intelligentsias. This sense of nationalism within
the peripheries resulted to the rise of movements calling for autonomy, civil
rights, and in extreme cases, total independence.
In
the Baltic Regions, the modern countries of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia,
belonged to the Russian Empire. Mostly, the Intelligentsias from these
countries who had the privilege to study in universities, such as those in St.
Petersburg and Moscow galvanized the political scene of their respective homes.
They all struggled to define who they were as a people and moved towards
developing their respective national identities. Along with this struggle, the
infusion of new ideas such as socialism and Marxism, gave rise to new political
organizations.
In
Lithuania, the urban Intelligentsias led the struggle for nationalism and civil
rights. In 1883, Jonas Basanvicius published the newspaper Ausra or Dawn that discussed Lithuanian history and culture.
Following the Ausra, interest rose towards the peasantry whom the
Intelligentsias saw as a window to the true Lithuanian identity. Eventually,
interest towards Lithuanian culture, history, and language sparked movements
against Russification. In 1901, the Lithuanians succeeded to allow the use of
Lithuanian language in church masses. Alongside the quest for Lithuanian identity,
political ideas followed creating new political parties. In 1896, the
Lithuanian Social Democratic Worker’s Party was founded. It included prominent
members such as Vincas Kapsukas (founder of the Lithuanian Communist Party) and
Steponas Kairys (A Signatory in the Declaration of Independence of Lithuania.
It initially concentrated on the working class, but later in 1903, it expanded
to represent the aspirations of the peasantry. It soon became the largest party
in Lithuania by the time of the Revolution of 1905. In 1902, another party
emerged, the Lithuanian Democratic Party. It operated the newspaper Varpas
promoting the Lithuanian language, identity, and right for autonomy. Among its members
included Kazys Grinius (Later President of Lithuania).
In
Latvia, the search for Latvian identity grew alongside tensions with the ruling
and influential Baltic German landowners. In the 1860’s Latvians in St.
Petersburg, mostly studying in the universities there, published a newspaper in
Latvian language – Peterburgas Avises. The newspaper reported the situation in
Latvia and criticized the Baltic Germans for their claim of superiority
throughout the Baltics. From that point, knowing Latvian language and identity
became a struggle for the Latvian intelligentsias. But besides nationalism, the
ideology of social democrats followed. In June 1904, Janis Jansons-Brauns and
Peteris Stucka established the Latvian Social Democratic Workers’ Party. It had
collaboration with other Social Democratic Parties such as those in Russia and
Lithuania. They also adhered to internationalism, even seeing nationalism as a
hindrance to the unity of the proletariats. The Latvian Social Democrats became
influential in major cities such as Riga, helping to organize strikes during
the Revolution of 1905.
Finland
also had share of political developments. For about a century, Finland had a
great deal of autonomy under the Russian Empire. It had its own laws and an
Estate-General. Nevertheless, the policy of Russification and the strengthening
of central rule under Tsar Nicholas II caused serious repercussions for
Finland. In 1899, Nicholas made the acts of the Finnish Estate General advisory
rather than law. Russian language began to be used in Finnish courts rather
Finnish language. In 1900, St. Petersburg also ordered Russian to be the
language of administration in Finland. This resulted to political activities in
the country in opposition of the new policies. In March 1899, thousands of
Finns signed what became known as the Great Address that requested the reversal
of Russification policies and the return of Finnish autonomy. The Great Address
arrived in St. Petersburg only to be rejected by the Emperor. The Finnish then
discussed how to proceed, but in the end, it resulted to the creation of two
factions: The Old Finns and Young Finns. The Old Finns led by Yrjo Sakari
Yrjo-Koskinen and Johan Richard Danielson-Kalmari desired to maintain the
status quo. The Young Finns on the other hand desired a constitution, which
they saw as a prerequisite for a nation.
Other
than consciousness over the intrusion of the Tsar to the tradition and culture
of Finland, ideas of socialism and Marxism also began to take root. In 1899,
the Finnish Workers’ Party later renamed as the Finnish Social Democratic Party
began. It also believed in the unity of all proletariats and also in Socialist
policies such as compulsory education and free health care. They also wanted
universal suffrage as they unveiled their program in Forssa.
Poles
continued to be politically active. For centuries, Poles fought for the
resurrection of Poland, especially as their country had once been the
superpower in Central Europe. But failed attempts, especially in 1868, resulted
to ever more stringent and strong Russian rule. Although Poland also
experienced industrialization, it only brought an increase in complaints
against Russian rule. Poland’s political scene became a mixture of different
movements: movements for better working conditions, movement of nationalism,
and movement for agrarian reforms. With the rise of Polish Intelligentsias,
political groups formed in the late 19th century. In 1887, Polish exiles
founded the Liga Polska or the Polish League (later known as the National
League) in Switzerland with the objective of safely coordinating various Polish
organizations in Poland. Back in Poland, in 1889, the Polish workers founded
the Zwiazek Robotnikow Polskich (ZRP) or the Union of Polish Workers with the
role of giving a voice to the working class.
In
1892, the Socialist founded the Polska Partia Socialistyczna (PPS) or the
Polish Socialist Party, which followed ideas of Socialism and Marxism. The PPS
included smaller socialist groups from other areas, especially those who
belonged to the late Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Among the prominent
members of the PPS included the future leader of Post-World War I Poland – Jozef
Pilsudski. It desired socialist vision of an independent Poland. It also had no
qualms in using force to achieve its goals.
A
great rival of the PPS, the Social Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Poland or
SDKP appeared in 1893. It also adhere to the idea of internationalism and even
saw nationalism as an obstacle for its goal of unity of the proletariat. In
addition, the Party disagreed with the methods of the PPS when it comes to the
use of force. In 1899, it joined forces with other Social Democrats in Western
Russia to form the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania or
SDKPiL. Rosa Luxemburg took part in the SDKPiL.
In
1897, the National Democratic Party was established. It believed in an extreme
sense of nationalism. They disregarded any other culture except the Polish
culture that existed before 1772, the year of the first partition of Poland.
Because of its extreme nationalist inclination, they had anti-Semitic
sentiments and at odds with the Social Democrats for their internationalism
stand. Among their prominent members included the Polish intellectual and
writer Roman Dmowski.
The
peasants also formed their own political group – the Polish Peasant Union.
Founded in November 18, 1904, the PSS, the Union’s abbreviation, had a militant
stand to achieve its desired agrarian reforms from Russian landlords.
With
the rise of political organizations and intensification of desires for a free
Poland, the country experienced tremendous fighting and violence throughout the
Revolution of 1905.
On
the other hand, in the region of Transcaucasia, ethnic tensions rose throughout
the last decade of the 19th century and the early years of the 20th century.
Tensions between the Armenian and the Tatars or later called Azeris simmered.
Nationalistic and Pan-Turkic ideas made the divide even more apparent. The
Armenians scattered people for centuries and they laid claim to Armenia
situated with in the Russia-Ottoman Turk border. They were mostly Christians
and highly favored by the Russia. They had freedoms such as freedom of worship
in some degree. The Tatars, which became known as Azeris in 1917, were a Turkic
people following Islam. Unlike the Armenians, the quest for a separate identity
of the Azeris began later, specifically the 19th century. Much of the Azeris
suffered discrimination in the hands of the Russians. Azeris viewed the
Armenians, which the Russians favored and supported, with mistrust. The ethnic
tensions further exacerbated by difference in wealth. In the middle and late 19th
century, the region experience a boom in the oil industry centered in the
cities of Baku, Batum, and Tiflis (T’blisi). With the Russian favors, much of
the wealth of the oil industry went to the Armenians while much of the laborers
came from the Azeris. Working conditions in the refineries and wells were
horrible. This gave Azeris more reason to hate the Armenians.
The
idea of Pan-Turkism and the events in Ottoman Turkey worsened the situation.
With Pan-Turkism growing within the Azeri Intelligentsias, they began to view
Armenians and Armenia as an obstacle to the unity of all Turkic people that
transcend from Anatolia to western China. With Armenia, Trancaucasia would not
be connected with Turkey. Alas, they viewed Armenians with prejudice. And the
Armenians on the other hand, also viewed Azeris hostilely because of
Pan-Turkism. In 1895, the Ottoman Turks massacred Armenians in Turkish Armenia.
Identifying the Azeris with the Ottoman Turks, Armenians felt likewise and
wanted vendetta towards the Azeris.
Armenians
and Azeris founded their own political parties to represent their respective
people. In 1887, Armenians in Geneva, Switzerland founded the Hunchak Partu or
Bell Party. It aimed to free Armenia from the oppression of the Turks. It also
believed in the Socialism and Marxism in building a new Armenia.
Other
than the Hunchak Party, another party, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation or
Hai Heghaokhakan Dashnaktsutiun or simply Dashnaktsutiun took a share in
fighting for the rights of the Armenians for freedom from oppression. The
Dashnaktsutiun was formed through the unity of various nationalist and Marxist
groups. They fought for freedom of Armenians from oppression but vaguely and
even avoided the word independence. With the influence of Russian Nihilism, the
Dashnaktsutiun utilized terrorist acts as a way for authorities to listen to
their demands.
The
Azeris also formed their own political parties. In 1904, a group of Azeri
Intelligentsias, with some influenced by the education of Jadidisim created the
Himmat or Toil/Endeavor Party. It began as a debating club a year before. It
had close ties with the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party but never fully
associated with them. They believed in education as well as the fostering of
local Azeri culture and language. They became one of the significant players in
Azerbaijan history.
With
the rise of political parties came from the rise of political discussions. But
discussion about Russian affairs did not just limit itself from intellectuals.
It grew to various bodies where people converged to talk and to socialize.
These places then became a recruiting ground for many of the said parties.
Explore
also:
Bibliography:
Books:
Balkelis,
Tomas. The Making of Modern Lithuania.
New York, New York: Routledge, 2009.
Bolukbasi,
Suha. Azerbaijan: A Political History. New York, New York: I.B. Tauris &
Co. Ltd., 2011.
Croissant,
Michael. The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict:
Causes and Implications. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1998.
Euchensehr,
Kristen and Michael Reisman (Eds.). Stopping
Wars and Making Peace: Studies in International Intervention. Leiden, The Netherlands:
Koninklijke Brill, 2009.
Kassow,
Samuel. Students, Professors, and the
State in Tsarist Russia. Berkeley, California: University of California
Press, 1989.
Kasekamp,
Andres. A History of the Baltic States.
New York, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
Kokovtsov,
Vladimir. H.H. Fisher (Ed.). Laura Matveev (Trans.). Out of My Past: The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov. Standford
University, California: Stanford University Press, 1935.
Leslie,
R.F. (ed.). The History of Poland since
1863. New York, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980.
O'Connor,
Kevin. The History of the Baltic States.
Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2003.
Papazian,
K.S. Patriotism Perverted: A Discussion
of the Deeds and the Misdeeds of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, the So-called
Dashnagtzoutune. Boston, Massachusetts: Baikar Press, 1934.
Pipes,
Richard. A Concise History of the Russian
Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1995.
___________.
Formation of the Soviet Union: Communism
and Nationalism, 1917 - 1923. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University
Press, 1997.
Palmer,
Robert. A History of the Modern World.
Boston, Massachusettes: McGraw-Hill, 2002.
Plakans,
Andrejs. The Latvians: A Short History.
Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press, 1995.
Prazmowska,
Anita. Poland: A Modern History. New
York, New York: IB Tauris, 2010.
Raun,
Toivo. Estonia and the Estonians.
Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press, 1995.
Witte,
Sergei. Abraham Yarmolinsky (Trans.). The Memoirs of Count Sergei Witte. Garden
City, New York: Dobleday, Page & Company, 1921.
General
References:
"Jadidism,"
Historical Dictionary of Kazakhstan. Edited by Didar Kassymova et. al. Lanham,
Maryland: Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2012.
"Revolution
of 1905-1906." In the Historical
Dictionary of Poland, 966 - 1945. Edited by Jerzy Jan Lerski. Westport,
Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1996.
"Russian
Revolution (1905)." In the Historical
Dictionary of Marxism. Edited by Elliott Johnson et. al. Lanham, Maryland:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2014.
Corfield,
Justin. "Russian Revolution (1905)." In The Encyclopedia of the Industrial Revolution in World History.
Edited by Kenneth E. Hendrikson, III. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2015.
Frame,
Arthur. Russia, "Revolution of 1905." In The Encyclopedia of World War I: A Political, Social, and Military
History. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2005.
Gough,
Jana trans. History of Civilizations of Central Asia V. 6. Paris: UNESCO, 2005.
Mikaberidze,
Alexander. Historical Dictionary of
Georgia. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.
Suny,
Ronald Grigor. "Russian Revolution of 1905." in The Encyclopedia of Political Revolutions. Edited by Jack A.
Goldstone. New York, New York: Routledge, 1998.
Suziedelis,
Saulius. Historical Dictionary of Lithuania. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman &
Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc., 2011.
Online
Newspaper Articles:
A
Russian Correspondent of The New York Times. "Russian Tells Story of
Sunday's Massacre." New York Times (January 25 1905). URL:
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9505E0D6173AE733A25756C2A9679C946497D6CF
"Troops
Overawe St. Petersburg." New York Times (January 24, 1905). URL:
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9C07EFDF1F3BE631A25757C2A9679C946497D6CF
"Iron
Ruler for St. Petersburg." New York Times (January 25, 1905). URL: http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9907E0D6173AE733A25756C2A9679C946497D6CF
"Revolution?"
The Manchester Guardian (January 23, 1905). URL:
http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2013/1/4/1357302276132/Russia-1905-uprising-001.jpg
Websites:
Ascher,
Abraham. "Revolution of 1905." Encyclopedia of Russian History. 2004.
Encyclopedia.com. 1 Feb. 2016. http://www.encyclopedia.com.
Trotsky,
Leon. “1905.” Marxist Internet Archives. March 12, 2016.
https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1907/1905/
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